In the ongoing debate about the relationship of antisemitism to anti-zionism, historical case-studies can serve as useful material. The anti-zionist campaign in Poland, of 1967-1968, offers the ability to examine the relationship in detail. Below are links to some recent contributions on the topic.
Jan Gross’ new book “Fear: Anti-Semitism in Poland After Auschwitz: An Essay in Historical Interpretation” is highly recommended for those who not only want to know more of the empirical facts of anti-Jewish persecution in Poland after the Holocaust, but also those who want to think about the causes of this intense animosity.
The book’s thesis is very provokative, as Gross does not rely on simple “eternal antisemitism” theses. He argues, quite convincingly that the intensity of post-Holocaust antisemitism in Poland, had specifically to do with the Poles’ Holocaust experience itself. I recommend Natan Sznaider’s review, “Chasing Away the Memory of Guilt: The End of Jewish Life in Poland.”
Also, in a very interesting section Gross evaluates “How the Working-Class Reacted to the Kielce Pogrom and What the Communist Party Made of It.” For those thinking about the failures of the Left to oppose antisemitism, this section has a lot to offer, as it exposes the Communist Party’s Real Politik approach to the issue, eventually siding with the Polish working-class against the Jews.
The Return of the Radical Right in Poland:
The Betrayal of Solidarity and the Politics of Discontent
By Brian Porter
Something has gone very, very wrong in Poland. After elections last September, a group called “Law and Justice,” led by a longtime Solidarity activist and right-wing politician named Jaroslaw Kaczynski, emerged as the largest party in parliament. Victory in the following month’s presidential election went to Kaczynski’s identical twin Lech.
Cartoonists had an easy time lampooning these two former child actors, with their famously short stature and uncharismatic appear-ance. The fact that their name derives from the word for “duck” (kaczor), and that the two highest offices in the Polish state are now occupied by men who can only be distinguished because of a small mole on Jaroslaw’s nose, gave satirists even more ammunition. But there is nothing funny about Poland’s new government.
The Kaczynskis formed a coalition with an agrarian populist group called “Self-Defense” and a radical-right party with the innocuous name of “The League of Polish Families.” Polite Western journalists have labeled this government “center-right” or “conservative,” but it is hard to find anything centrist about those holding power in Warsaw today. Even Europe’s mainstream conservative parties have publicly disavowed any affiliation with Law and Justice (not to mention the other two coalition members). Put simply, the extreme right now rules Poland, and people widely considered marginal and dangerous even a year ago are now within the corridors of power.
By appointing Roman Giertych, the leader of The League of Polish Families, to the position of vice-premier and minister of education, the Kaczynskis have bestowed legitimacy on a volatile extremist who traces his ideological roots to “National Democracy,” a radical right movement from the interwar years. Giertych has filled a number of second-tier government positions with supporters who were active in neo-fascist groups as recently as the late 1990s. The Kaczynskis themselves have established close ties to the “Radio Maryja” media network, which propagates a combination of anti-Jewish conspiracy theories and ultra-conservative Catholic religiosity. Although neither of the brothers have any personal history of anti-Jewish remarks (even in private, by all accounts), they have found plenty of ways to appeal to a racist electorate while keeping their own hands clean.